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The historical and anthropological school: Savigny, Puchta, Hegel, Maine and Gierke

Legal Theory · Unit III · Topic 7 of 12 · 6 min read

Law found not made: Savigny's Volksgeist and the codification controversy, Puchta's refinements, Hegel's historical spirit, Maine's status to contract and the stages of legal development, Gierke's real personality of groups, and the school's place in Indian personal law.

On this page
  1. 1. Background
  2. 2. Friedrich Karl von Savigny (1779 1861)
  3. 3. Georg Friedrich Puchta (1798 1846)
  4. 4. Hegel
  5. 5. Sir Henry Maine (1822 1888)
  6. 6. Gierke and the anthropologists
  7. 7. The historical school in India
  8. How this is examined
Cases checked to exist. Read the judgment before quoting a holding.

Every case cited here has been checked to exist — the citation resolves and names the right parties. The propositions attributed to each case have not been verified line by line against the judgment. Case names link through to the full judgment: read it before quoting a holding in an examination answer, and never carry a proposition from notes into court on trust.

The examinable core. “Law is found not made: analyse the philosophy of Savigny” (2024), “Savigny’s contribution to the historical school” and “Maine’s views on the development of law” (2014), and short notes on the historical school and Maine (internal, 2024). The school says law is a product of a people’s life and history, like language, and cannot be made at will by a legislator or deduced from universal reason.

1. Background

The historical school reacted against two things: the rationalist natural law of the eighteenth century, which claimed universal rules valid everywhere, and the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Code (1804), which suggested that a legislator could remake a society’s law in a single act. Romanticism, with its interest in national character, folk culture and the organic growth of institutions, supplied the method. In England, Burke had made a similar case for tradition against revolutionary reconstruction.

2. Friedrich Karl von Savigny (1779–1861)

The codification controversy. In 1814 A.F.J. Thibaut proposed a common civil code for the German states. Savigny replied in Of the Vocation of Our Age for Legislation and Jurisprudence (1814). Germany, he argued, was not ready: its legal science was too immature and a code made now would freeze a poor understanding of law. His other major works were the History of Roman Law in the Middle Ages and the System of Modern Roman Law, and a treatise on possession (see Legal Concepts, possession).

The main tenets.

  1. Law is found, not made. Law, like language, manners and constitution, is a product of the common consciousness of the people; it grows with the people, strengthens with them and dies away when the nation loses its individuality.
  2. Volksgeist. The source of law is the spirit of the people (the term was popularised by Puchta). Law is not arbitrary; it reflects shared beliefs.
  3. Custom precedes legislation. Law develops first in custom and popular belief, then through jurists, who express it technically. Legislation comes last and should only state what already exists.
  4. Law is national, not universal. There is no law valid for all times and places; each people has its own.
  5. The jurist’s role. As society becomes complex, jurists represent the people in legal matters and develop the law scientifically; a code should await a mature legal science.

Criticism.

3. Georg Friedrich Puchta (1798–1846)

Savigny’s pupil, Puchta refined the theory. He traced the Volksgeist to the conflict between the individual will and the general will of the people, and he recognised that the State is the organised expression of the people. He emphasised the “genealogy of concepts”: legal concepts derived from one another in a pyramid, which led towards the conceptual jurisprudence (Begriffsjurisprudenz) that Ihering later mocked. Puchta gave legislation a larger role than Savigny did.

4. Hegel

G.W.F. Hegel (Philosophy of Right, 1820) saw history as the dialectical self-realisation of spirit (Geist) towards freedom: thesis, antithesis, synthesis. Each people expresses a stage in that development; the State is the actuality of the ethical idea and of concrete freedom. Hegel connects the historical school with Marx, who kept the dialectic but replaced spirit with material conditions, and with Kohler’s view of law as an expression of civilisation.

5. Sir Henry Maine (1822–1888)

Maine (Ancient Law, 1861; Village Communities in the East and West, 1871; Early History of Institutions, 1875) was Legal Member of the Governor-General’s Council in India from 1862 to 1869. He applied comparative and historical method to Roman, Hindu and English law, and is the founder of legal anthropology.

Stages of legal development.

  1. Themistes: law as the inspired judgments of a king, believed divine.
  2. Customary law: an aristocracy (priestly, military or political) holds and administers custom as a monopoly.
  3. Codes: custom is written down, as in the Twelve Tables in Rome or the laws of Manu in India.

Static and progressive societies. Most societies stop at codes. Progressive societies (Western Europe, in his view) keep bringing law into harmony with social change through three agencies, in historical order: legal fictions, equity, and legislation.

Status to contract. In early society the unit is the family, and a person’s rights and duties are fixed by status: birth into a family, a caste, servitude. As societies progress, the individual becomes the unit, and relations are increasingly created by free agreement. Maine’s conclusion is often quoted exactly: “the movement of the progressive societies has hitherto been a movement from Status to Contract.”

Assessment. The welfare state reversed part of the movement: labour law, consumer law, tenancy and land reform laws, and reservations fix rights by category rather than agreement. Some call this a movement from contract back to status, or to standard-form relations fixed by statute. Maine also relied on limited and partly second-hand material about India, and his attack on Austin (Ranjit Singh ruled without making law) remains a classic criticism of the command theory.

6. Gierke and the anthropologists

Otto von Gierke (Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht, 1868–1913) represented the Germanist wing of the school, which looked to native Germanic law rather than Roman law. He argued that associations (guilds, towns, churches) are real social organisms with a will of their own, not fictions created by the State. This is the realist theory of corporate personality, introduced to English readers by Maitland’s translation of part of the work as Political Theories of the Middle Age (1900). See Legal Concepts, legal personality.

Later anthropologists, notably Bronisław Malinowski (Crime and Custom in Savage Society, 1926), showed that reciprocity rather than sanction secures obedience in societies without courts, and E. Adamson Hoebel and Llewellyn (The Cheyenne Way, 1941) studied law through trouble cases. They extend Maine’s method and support the sociological school.

7. The historical school in India

How this is examined

For Savigny: background, the codification controversy, the five tenets, Puchta in a paragraph, criticism, and India. For Maine: the three stages, static and progressive societies, the three agencies, status to contract and its reversal. A short note on the historical school should name Savigny, Puchta, Maine and Gierke and give one criticism of each.

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