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Emergency powers and President's Rule under Article 356

Indian Constitutional Law - New Challenges · Unit I · Topic 3 of 21 · 8 min read

The three emergencies, the safeguards added by the 44th Amendment, and how Bommai, Rameshwar Prasad and the Article 370 judgment have set the limits of judicial review over President's Rule.

On this page
  1. 1. The scheme of Part XVIII
  2. 2. The lesson of 1975 77
  3. 3. Article 356 before Bommai
  4. 4. S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994)
  5. 5. After Bommai
  6. 6. Articles 355 and 365: the Union s duty and its directions
  7. 7. Comparative perspective
  8. How this is examined
Cases checked to exist. Read the judgment before quoting a holding.

Every case cited here has been checked to exist — the citation resolves and names the right parties. The propositions attributed to each case have not been verified line by line against the judgment. Case names link through to the full judgment: read it before quoting a holding in an examination answer, and never carry a proposition from notes into court on trust.

The examinable core. Article 356 is where federalism and judicial review meet. The answer needs the text, the history of misuse, the Bommai propositions in order, and the later refinements. The national emergency under Article 352 and the 1975–77 experience supply the theory: how a constitution protects itself without handing the executive a licence to suspend it.

1. The scheme of Part XVIII

ArticleTriggerMain effect
352War, external aggression or armed rebellion (the last replaced “internal disturbance” by the 44th Amendment, 1978)Union executive may direct States (Article 353); Parliament may legislate on State List; Article 19 suspended in war or aggression (Article 358); enforcement of other rights may be suspended (Article 359), but never Articles 20 and 21
356Report of the Governor or otherwise, that government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the ConstitutionPresident assumes State executive functions; Parliament exercises the State legislature’s powers
360Threat to financial stability or creditDirections on financial propriety; reduction of salaries; never yet used

The 44th Amendment also required that a proclamation under Article 352 be made only on the written advice of the Union Cabinet, that it be approved by each House by a special majority within one month, and that the Lok Sabha may disapprove it by a simple majority. It removed the 38th Amendment’s clause making the President’s satisfaction final, and restricted extension of President’s Rule beyond one year (Article 356(5)).

2. The lesson of 1975–77

During the internal emergency the Supreme Court held in ADM Jabalpur v. Shivkant Shukla (1976) that while enforcement of Article 21 was suspended under Article 359, no detenu could seek habeas corpus. Khanna J’s lone dissent, that the right to life does not owe its existence to the Constitution and cannot be extinguished by executive order, is now the law. The majority was expressly overruled in K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, 2017 INSC 801, and the 44th Amendment made Articles 20 and 21 non-suspendable. In theory this is Carl Schmitt’s problem: the sovereign is the one who decides on the exception. The Indian answer after 1978 is to make the exception itself subject to law.

3. Article 356 before Bommai

Ambedkar hoped the provision would remain a dead letter, used only as a last resort. In practice it was invoked often, including mass dismissals of opposition State governments in 1977 and 1980. In State of Rajasthan v. Union of India (1977) the Court treated the question as largely political and declined to interfere. The Sarkaria Commission (1988) found that a large share of proclamations had been made for political reasons and recommended that the provision be used sparingly, after warning to the State, and that the floor of the House be the test of majority.

4. S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994)

A nine-judge Bench in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India, 1994 INSC 111, (1994) 3 SCC 1, considered the dismissal of the Karnataka, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh governments. The propositions to learn:

  1. A proclamation under Article 356 is justiciable. The President’s satisfaction is subjective but must rest on relevant material; the court may examine whether there was material, whether it was relevant, and whether the power was used mala fide or on extraneous grounds.
  2. Article 74(2) bars inquiry into the advice tendered, not into the material on which it was based. The Union must disclose that material.
  3. The question of majority must be tested on the floor of the House, not in the Governor’s chamber.
  4. The Legislative Assembly should not be dissolved until both Houses of Parliament have approved the proclamation; until then it may only be kept in suspended animation. If Parliament disapproves, or the court strikes down the proclamation, the dismissed government and assembly may be restored.
  5. Secularism and federalism are basic features. A State government that pursues unsecular policies may be said to be failing to carry on government in accordance with the Constitution; on that basis the dismissals of the BJP governments after the 1992 demolition were upheld.

The Karnataka, Meghalaya and Nagaland proclamations were held unconstitutional, though relief was moulded because fresh elections had intervened.

5. After Bommai

A debate to take a side on. Has Bommai worked? For: proclamations fell sharply after 1994 and the floor test is now routine. Against: the contest has moved to the Governor’s other powers (inviting a party, timing a floor test, sitting on Bills) and to defections, where the courts intervene late and often after the political result is settled.

6. Articles 355 and 365: the Union’s duty and its directions

The syllabus asks about the Centre’s responsibility for internal disturbance within States and its directions to States. Article 356 is the last step in a sequence that begins elsewhere.

The Punchhi Commission (2010) proposed “localised emergency” under Article 355 for a district or part of a State, so that the Union could act against local breakdown without displacing an elected government. The proposal has not been enacted, but it states the modern view: the Union’s response should be proportionate to the disturbance.

7. Comparative perspective

Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution (1919) let the President suspend rights and govern by decree, and its use in 1930–33 is the standard warning. The German Basic Law responded by placing emergency powers in Parliament’s hands and by making the core of rights unamendable (Article 79(3)). The United States Constitution has no general emergency clause; Justice Jackson’s concurrence in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952) set out a three-category test of presidential power that Indian writers borrow when asking whether the executive acts with, without or against the legislature’s will. Article 4 of the ICCPR permits derogation only in a public emergency threatening the life of the nation, officially proclaimed and strictly required, and never from certain rights, including the right to life and freedom from torture.

How this is examined

Expect “Critically examine the Supreme Court’s approach to Article 356 with special reference to S.R. Bommai”, or a question on the 44th Amendment safeguards, or a problem: a Governor reports a breakdown after a split in the ruling party and recommends dissolution. Apply Bommai in order: material, relevance, floor test, no dissolution before parliamentary approval, restoration as remedy, and cite Rameshwar Prasad on Governors’ reports. For a question on the Union’s responsibility for internal disturbance, or on Articles 355 and 365, use section 6.

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